Ireland and Israel; Irish Dispersion, Irish History, Tea Tephi, Jeremiah, Baruch, Tara, Ark of the Covenant, Simeon, Dan, Dana, Danaan, Milesians, Jews, Judah, and Ireland; Tarshish and Ireland; Ireland and Edom; Ireland and the Jews; The Tragedy of Ireland

Replies to Queries


 and Answers 

see also:
Ireland in Bible Code
Brit-Am Answers to Queries: Ulster
Brit-Am Answers to Queries: Britain

1. What Tribes do the Irish belong to?
2. What is especially Israelite about Ireland?
3. Are not the Irish in Ireland anti-Semitic?
What is the "Tragedy of Ireland"?
4. Are the Southern Irish Edomites?

Q1. What Tribes do the Irish belong to?

Answer: (a) The Northern Irish were historically dominated by clans of Ephraim and Manasseh with Manasseh dominating but that may have changed due to massive migration to North America.
(b) The Southern Irish contained elements from Manasseh, Ephraim, Dan, and Simeon with the latter two in dominance, as well as elements from other Tribes and non-Israelites. Here too, the situation may have changed due to massive emigration.

#1. Ulster of Israel - Not "Ireland".
#5. Lynne McGuire: More on Ireland
#2. Carmelita Lee: The Irish Dispersion
#2. Ulster Roots
#2. Ireland in maps and Brit-Am Identities
#1. Scots-Irish

Q2. What is especially Israelite about Ireland?

Answer: The Irish language has a Hebrew base, Irish legends, traditions, and aspects of the Irish character all indicate Israelite origins at least in part.

Q3. Are not the Irish in Ireland anti-Semitic?
What is the "Tragedy of Ireland"?

Answer: The Irish in ireland on the whole are sympathetic towards Jews but in practical terms let themselves be directed by non-Israelite elements.
"The Tragedy of the Irish" is that they failed to assert their independence in an Israelite direction. More explanation is given below:

Our frame of reference is an excellent article concerning the Jews of Ireland
and how the Irish related to them.
This article reflects on the whole Irish national character
from a Brit-Am point of view.

Below  are some extracts from this article interspersed with
Brit-Am Commentary followed by a concluding paragraph,
"The Tragedy of Ireland" from a Brit-Am point of view:

The article we have chosen for illustrative purposes is:
The Jews of Ireland by Robert Tracy

Extracts with Commentary:
In Lebor Gabala Erenn (the Book of the Takings of Ireland), the account of Irish history that the medieval Irish told themselves, the first settlers in Ireland were Noah's disreputable niece, Cessair, and forty companions; all were promptly drowned in the Flood. The Irish or Gaels arrived much later and are descended from one Nel through his son Gaedel. Nel learned all the languages that came into being at Babel, borrowing the best features from each to inventfrish. Settling beside the Red Sea, he entertained Moses and his people the night before they crossed. Moses invited Nel and his family to come with them to the Promised Land. When Nel declined, Moses assured him that his descendants would one day reach their own promised land in the western ocean; it would be free of snakes.

Here we have a tentative association with Israel
while maintaining distance.
Other sources suggest a stronger connection.

Professor Keogh reminds us that Irish Catholics, like IrishJews, were long excluded from the British Parliament. When Daniel O'Connell, Ireland's "Liberator," won Catholic Emancipation and the right to sit in Parliament for Catholics in 1829, he was quick to support a bill extending the same rights toJews (1831), and another abolishing requirements that Jews wear a distinctive costume (1846); the first of these, however, was rejected by the House of Lords, and Jews were not admitted to Parliament until 1858. O'Counell rightly proclaimed Ireland "the only Christian country that I know of unsullied by any act of persecution against the Jews," a claim that only the Limerick pogrom was to spoil.

The above remark is not accurate since much anti-Jewish feeling did exist.
Nevertheless it does show that many Irish would prefer to think that none
of them were ever anti-Semitic and this also says something.

Apart from the pogrom, the most troubling episode Keogh records is the conduct of the Irish government before and during the Second World War in regard to Nazi persecution of the Jews. Inevitably this involves examining the behavior and motives of Eamon de Valera, Taoiseach (Prime Minister) and Minister of External (Foreign) Affairs from 1932 until 1948. De Valera was a secretive and devious man, passionately committed to freeing Ireland from any last vestiges of British rule...

Note: De Valera had a Spanish father and in many ways was not really Irish.
The loyalties of De Valera  appear to have been to his own conception of
Roman catholic Civilization rather than the will of Ireland.
Nevertheless he was the man the Irish chose to lead and represent them.

In his 1937 Constitution, de Valera described the "special position" of the Catholic Church as the church of the great majority of Irish men and women (that "special position" was removed by an overwhelming majority in a 1972 referendum). He then went on to list the other denominations then functioning in Ireland as entitled to recognition, legitimacy, and protection, among them "the Jewish Congregations." I have been reliably informed that de Valera was determined to assert Jewish civil rights in the Constitution so that no succeeding government could easily abolish them, as the Nazis had done in Germany. To single out the Jews would be controversial. The solution was to name all Ireland's religious groups. Jewish rights were not, of course, de Valera's chief or only purpose in listing these groups. He continued to hope for a reunion with Northern Ireland, with its Protestant majority. But in the atmosphere of 1930s Europe he was making an important statement.

Professor Keogh cites an oral source that attributes the inclusion of the Jewish Congregations to consultations with Isaac Herzog, then Chief Rabbi of Ireland, who became Chief Rabbi of Palestine in 1937, the father of Chaim Herzog (who contributes a preface to Keogh's book). Rabbi Herzog and de Valera were friends, so much so that the future Taoiseach had on occasion hidden in the Rabbi's house when a fugitive from British or Free State police. Both were eager to see the establishment of an independent Irish republic.

Rabbi Herzog was evidently mistaken in his choice.

The Herzog-de Valera friendship continued until the Rabbi's death, but did not translate into practical measures to assist German Jews before the War, nor the many Jewish victims of Nazi cruelty later. Just before war broke out, de Valera declined to meet Herzog's request that he admit Christian Jewish doctors and dentists to Ireland and allow them to practice there; he also refused a request from the Vatican to admit a number of Jewish doctors temporarily. In the entire period of Nazi persecution, only 60 to 7O Jews were admitted to Ireland as refugees. The Irish Department of Justice continually recommended against such admissions, partly on the grounds that many Irish citizens were unemployed and would see the refugees as competitors for such jobs as there were, and partly out of fear that the result would be an antisemitic backlash. We should remember that similar arguments prevailed with President Roosevelt and the American authorities in 1937 when they refused sanctuary to German Jewish refugees on the St. Louis and sent them back to Germany to die.

There is a difference between 1937 before the War broke out and 1941-42
when the German intentions could no longer be denied by those with
access to foreign sources.

Charles Bewley, the Irish Minister in Berlin, played a major role in thwarting refugees trying to reach Ireland. Bewley was enthusiastically pro-Nazi and anti-Jewish. His reports to Dublin consistently reiterate Nazi arguments that Jews considered themselves free of any moral obligations toward non-Jews, or toward the state of which they happened to be citizens, and so would subvert Christian citizens and Christian states. .. The Irish government recalled him in disgrace in August 1939, replacing him with a less hostile Minister, but from his arrival in 1933, Bewley had denied or delayed Irish visas for Jews; with the outbreak of war it was impossible even for Jews granted visas to reach Ireland.

In 1942 Rabbi Herzog warned de Valera that Jews were being systematically exterminated in German prison camps. The Taoiseach and his government made efforts to rescue various groups, especially groups including children, and bring them to Ireland. These included a large group of German Jews held at Vittel in Vichy France, who already possessed visas for various South American countries. De Valera, together with the Irish ministers in Berlin, Vichy, and at the Vatican worked to rescue the Vittel Jews, and later groups of Italian, Dutch, Hungarian, and Slovakian Jews, but without success. In no case were the Nazis willing to let such groups depart for Ireland or leave Europe under Irish auspices. There was also a mistaken belief that Jews with Irish visas might be imprisoned, but would not be sent to the death camps, a belief the Vittel episode destroyed.

De Valera himself responded willingly to appeals for help in these cases, but, as Keogh points out, he was always reactive rather than proactive. His efforts to assist Jewish refugees, and indeed refugee Catholics from Poland, France, and Hungary, were continually impeded by his own bureaucracy. As late as 1953, the Department of Justice trotted out Bewley's old arguments against Jewish immigration. The same Department, however, was eager to admit the Belgian Fascist leader Leon Degrelle in 1946, after the Belgians had condemned him to death as a war criminal, and several fugitive members of Pavlevic's brutal Croatian government seem to have entered postwar Ireland with ease and remained there.

De Valera's chief preoccupation was keeping Ireland neutral, both for practical reasons-the Irish armed forces were minuscule and their equipment obsolete-and as a way of asserting Ireland's independence from Great Britain. There were German, Japanese, and Italian legations in Dublin throughout the War, to the indignation of the British government, who suspected them of espionage. The Italian legation became irrelevant after Mussolini fell in July 1943, but the Germans had a radio transmitter with which they sent weather reports to the Luftwaffe until early 1942. In January 1944 they surrendered the transmitter to the Irish authorities. It was locked in a Dublin bank vault, presumably to prevent any reporting about the build-up of D-Day forces in Northern Ireland.

In his victory broadcast when the European War ended, Winston Churchill chose to include a condemnation of the Irish government for its neutral stance and for "frolic[ing] with the Germans and later with the Japanese representatives to their heart's content." Nevertheless, there was never any doubt where de Valera's sympathies lay. Though neutral, he assisted the Allied cause in various ways. Allied airmen who landed or crashed in Ireland were quietly returned to Britain; German airmen were interned for the duration. Militant IRA members who might have sabotaged the British war effort were imprisoned. Irish volunteers manned lookout stations all along the Irish coast and reported any sightings of U-boats or bombers to the British. Irish fire brigades were sent north when Belfast was bombed. The rural population in the West were eager to find German spies, and several who were landed from submarines were collared within a few days, one after ordering "a glass of stout and a pint of whiskey" in a Dingle pub.

De Valera knew that Irish public opinion was bitterly opposed to any alliance with Britain, 20 years after a desperate war to gain freedom from British rule. But he also had to maneuver between his political opposition in the Fine Gael party, who urged entering the War on the side of the Allies, and the Republican movement from which he himself had sprung, which was to some extent pro-German--or, more precisely, anti-British--if only because Germany was England's foe. Lord Haw Haw's mocking but sometimes accurate accounts of British setbacks were often relished in Ireland, even among those who feared a German victory, and there was a popular belief that in bombing Belfast the Germans had deliberately spared Catholic neighborhoods and concentrated on Orange (Protestant) areas. The German attack on Russia, described in German propaganda as a crusade against Communism, made the Germans seem the lesser evil and the British alliance with Stalin an alliance with the Antichrist.

De Valera's most controversial wartime action has been explained, but cannot easily be explained away. On 30 April 1945, when news of Hitler's suicide reached Dublin, he visited the German legation to offer his government's formal condolences on the death of Germany's head of state. Despite the opposition of most of his advisers, he insisted that protocol demanded no less from the government of a neutral nation (on the death of President Roosevelt, a few days earlier, the Irish Parliament adjourned in mourning for two days). He seems to have been motivated partly out of respect for the German Minister, Eduard Hempel, who was not a Nazi and had behaved correctly throughout the War, partly out of an unwillingness to seem to abandon respect for the German people in their defeat, and partly to make one final assertion of Irish independence and neutrality. De Valera acted on principle, that diplomatic courtesies must be observed and maintained, but his gesture remains a stumbling block for even his most loyal admirers.

It is heartening to note de Valera's successful intervention to bring nearly 150 refugee Jewish children to Ireland in 1948, against the advice of the still uncooperative Department of Justice and with apparently muted support from the Jewish Representative Council. In 1952 he again overrode Justice to admit five Orthodox families who were fleeing the Communists. In 1966, the Dublin Jewish community arranged the planting and dedication of the Eamon de Valera Forest in Israel, near Nazareth, in recognition of his consistent support for Ireland's Jews. Speakers on that occasion said nothing about wartime refugees or the visit to Hempel.

In recent years the Irish government has officially acknowledged the inadequacy of Ireland's response to the Holocaust. Speaking at a 1995 ceremony commemorating the liberation of Bergen-Belsen, Taoiseach John Bruton admitted that Ireland was "not freely open to those families and individuals fleeing from persecution and death.... We must acknowledge the consequences of this indifference. As a society we have become more willing to accept our responsibility to respond to events beyond our shores. Tonight, on behalf of the Irish government and people I honour the memory of those millions of European Jews who died in the Holocaust." Bruton added a warning that "intolerance, bigotry and a distorted concept of nationalism" were not dead in Europe. A more practical response to Ireland's wartime failure was the passage of the Prohibition of Incitement to Hatred Act (1989), and the Refugee Act (1997)

Many people, Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish, have left Northern Ireland to avoid the violence that has destroyed so much since Protestant gangs, with the connivance of the police, attacked Catholic civil rights marchers in 1969. It is little comfort to know that the mutual hatreds of Catholics and Protestants leave no room for antisemitism, as a grim Belfast joke points out. Seized from behind in a dark Belfast street, a man is asked the life or death question: "Are ye a Catholic or a Protestant?" When he answers, "I'm a Jew," his assailant becomes specific: "Are ye a Catholic Jew or a Protestant Jew?"

"The Tragedy of Ireland" from a Brit-Am point of view
The above article shows a few basic points but it leaves out one important
consideration: Most Irishmen migrate to "Anglo" or "Scottish" centers.
They do not remain in Ireland.
Those who leave may be different in some ways from those who stay behind
similarly to the case concerning much of the rest of Europe.

Apart from that, the article shows that
Most Irishmen were not anti-Jewish. If anything they may well have
been sympathetic towards the Jews as indicated by other sections of
the article not quoted above.
In the Second World War the basic Irish sympathies were for the Allies
but they did less for the Allied cause than they could have without infringing their own so-called "neutrality".
The Irish may have been prepared to accept more Jewish refugees than they did but de Valera and people around him were not in favor.
Even the few that de Valera was prepared to accept were prevented from coming by others around de Valera.

Rabbi Herzog by befriending de Valera in his time of trouble may have performed a disservice to his own people.  The Jews tend to identify too strongly with the Irish who do not always reciprocate.

Today Ireland and the Irish are strongly pro-Palestinian.
Most of them would be insulted by any suggestion that they are anti-Jewish but many are.

The Brit-Am conclusion concerning the Irish and their tribal affiliations etc
are to be found in our publications, e.g. "The Tribes".
Like all other "Israelite" nations they are a mixture.
Unlike  most other "Israelite" nations however it would seem
that Israelites may be no more than a substantial minority that does not
succeed on the whole in exerting a dominant influence.

Q4. Are the Southern Irish Edomites?
Answer: No. The Southern Irish have both Israelite and non-Israelite ancestry but on the whole they do not fit the profile of Edom.
See a more detailed answer to this same question:
Edom Q.4

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